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šøš¬ Singapore: "I am not just Prime Minister, I am leading a party."
Lawrence Wong speaks to the Financial Times

Analysing meaning and power through language.
Hi Signposter. Iām writing this issue of Signpost a few weeks in advance because this week I am locked up in a five day workshop on systems thinking and organisational behaviour. So instead of focusing on the world this week, in this issue we will look at Singapore prime minister Lawrence Wongās interview with the Financial Times that happened a month ago.
Letās clarify a few things up front: this interview was not a combative or challenging one for Wong. As the general election results from earlier this year confirm, he is a likeable leader and is generally approved of by the majority of voters in Singapore. He is also a well known entity in the public consciousness, with his profile pushed into the foreground during the pandemic in 2020. Since then, he has never really left the public consciousness.
That is not to say that Wong said anything that anyone would fundamentally disagree with in this interview. Primarily because the entire interview focused on Singaporeās foreign affairs, specifically the challenge of ongoing U.S.-China relations and what impact that has on the world, Southeast Asia, and Singapore. Thereās very little for Wong to be controversial about here.
It was only in the last question of the close-to-30 minute interview that the spotlight shifted to Wong himself. We will analyse the language used in that ending exchange in this issue of Signpost. This issue is also unique because we will be analysing both question and answer.
THIS WEEK
šøš¬ Singapore - PM Lawrence Wong in an interview with the Financial Times (Oct 2025)
Here is the text of the last question from the interview, verbatim from the transcript posted online by the Singapore Prime Ministerās Office, with specific words and phrases highlighted for semiotic analysis below:
Financial Times: What has been the hardest thing that you have had to do since you became Prime Minister?
PM Wong: There are many hard things, I do not know that I can ā
Financial Times: Hardest.
PM Wong: Hardest?
Financial Times: Have you been to see Trump?
PM Wong: Not yet.
Financial Times: So you have not done the hardest.
PM Wong: We might have a chance to meet when he comes, if he comes for the ASEAN Summits, which he has said he would.
Financial Times: Yes, because he has to sign the peace agreement.
PM Wong: Yeah, well, I am not sure whether it is just for that, but if he comes to the ASEAN Summits, there may be a chance to meet him. I have had a phone call with him late last year. Went well, but I am sure there will be opportunities to meet.
Financial Times: So we take that out, that is not the hardest, what is the hardest?
PM Wong: I would say the hardest has been really in managing people. You do not realise the extent of it until you get into this job, right? Which is that I am not just Prime Minister, I am leading a party. I had to go into elections, and you have to then think about which are the members of my team who I have to drop because I want renewal. And one of the keys to the PAPās success has been a full focus on renewing our team every election. And this is not easy to do at all. It is very easy to say, ālet us just continue with the status quo. I do not want to offend anyone. It is okay. We all move alongā. But then if I do less of the renewal, I will pay the price for it five, 10, 20 years from now. So having to look hard at the members of the team, speak to each one of them individually and say, āI am sorry, I am not able to allow you to continue. I have to drop youā. That was very painful.
Financial Times: So party management.
PM Wong: Yes, that was very painful, not easy to do, and I had to steel myself to do it and manage it, and I am glad we had a good election outcome at the end of the day.
CONTEXT
1ļøā£ What is happening?
The only reason I can find why the Financial Times (FT) interviewed Wong now was because it was a few days prior to the 47th ASEAN Summit in Malaysia, one which U.S. president Donald Trump attended. As is customary, where Trump goes the media follows. FTās choice of interviewing Wong could be because Singapore is a major destination for U.S. investment (the U.S. invested $467.6 billion in Singapore in 2024, the fourth highest in the world and the highest in Asia) and military equipment and support.
Wong has now been prime minister of Singapore for over a year, rising to lead the country first as leader of his party, and then as the convincing winner of the 2025 General Elections. Despite Singapore being such a critical American partner, Wong has yet to meet with Trump. And perhaps, that is some cause for concern.
Since Trump returned to power this year, the focus of his administration has been anywhere but Southeast Asia. Until July, when a political āpalace intrigueā crisis in Thailand led to a territorial dispute with Cambodia. The Trump administration sprung into action, pushing for a ceasefire, which was then formalised as the Kuala Lumpur Peace Accords signed at the 47th ASEAN Summit in Malaysia.
Why this sudden focus after ignoring the region for months? This was primarily to position Trump as a peacemaking president to strengthen his case to win the Nobel Peace Prize in 2026. And while we all can agree that peace is good (and we all can question the actual involvement of Trump in the ceasefire), another major ongoing conflict in the region has seemingly slipped under the radar of both Trump and ASEAN; the Myanmar Civil War.
So what role does Singapore play in all this? As a major destination for global capital, FT were keen to question Wong on the economic implications for the U.S., China, and the rest of the world. Wong delivered a composed, intelligent, and likeable performance, so much so that the entire transcript of the interview has been reproduced on the website of the Prime Ministerās Office (PMO).
Clearly for Wong, this is a job well done.
2ļøā£ What was said, and to whom?
The interview was conducted by FT in Singapore on home turf for Wong. FTās audience is international, and skews heavily towards the anglophone markets of Western Europe and North America. Therefore all of Wongās answers spoke to an international audience.
However, after having watched the interview, I can speculate on a few realities of the nature of the interview based off of my experience working in the communications industry in Singapore. Specifically:
questions may have been shared with the PMO prior to the interview,
there may have been clear OB markers around topics,
and FT Editor Roula Khalaf may not have been interested (or encouraged) to push Wong on domestic issues.
All in all, a surprisingly rare yet straightforward international media interview for Wong.
ANALYSING THE TEXT
Words / Phrases | What it Says | What it Means |
|---|---|---|
FT: the hardest thing that you have had to do | tell me about your personal challenges | tell me how you personally negotiate between the U.S. and China |
Wong: There are many hard things | several aspects of my job are hard | I will not get drawn into this binary discussion |
FT: Have you been to see Trump? / So you have not done the hardest. | you have yet to do the most challenging thing | you havenāt yet been tested face-to-face with Trump |
Wong: We might have a chance to meet when he comes, if he comes for the ASEAN Summits, which he has said he would. | there is an opportunity for us to meet Trump soon | despite our best efforts, Trumpās team refuses to confirm a meeting |
FT: Yes, because he has to sign the peace agreement. | because Trump wants to position himself as a peacemaking president | Singapore simply does not feature high enough on Trumpās personal agenda |
Wong: the hardest has been really in managing people / I am not just Prime Minister, I am leading a party. | managing a team is very challenging | it was easier to convince voters than party members |
Wong: which are the members of my team who I have to drop | I had to drop certain members of the team prior to the election | it was my decision to drop specific team members |
Wong: the PAPās success has been a full focus on renewing our team every election | the party has long succeed by bringing in new blood every election | but Iām still here |
Wong: It is very easy to say, ālet us just continue with the status quo. I do not want to offend anyone. It is okay. We all move alongā | itās easier to let things be as is | there was an assumption I would not assert myself and drop team members prior to the election |
Wong: I have to drop you | for the sake of party renewal, I must drop you | as leader of the party and prime minister, it is my decision to drop you |
Wong: I am glad we had a good election outcome at the end of the day | thankfully the party performed well at the elections | my decisions delivered results |
DECONSTRUCTING THE TEXT
šļø Unlocking Meaning
To reiterate, Wongās interview with the FT was, strictly speaking, for an international audience. If you watch the whole interview (and Iād venture itās worth checking out), Wong comes across as an affable, sensible, and aggressively neutral democratically elected political leader. In another timeline, this would be considered the lowest bar to pass, but in 2025 I will readily admit that this is borderline refreshing.
With the last question though, Wong uses a lot of prose to share the challenges that come with being a people manager ā and this is outside his scope of being prime minister. I am unfamiliar with the inner workings of the PAP but I would assume it functions like most other political parties; formal authority is concentrated within the hands of a few, yet the influential power is distributed amongst several factions. And with the PAP being the largest party on the island, factionalism is expected.
In response to the question, Wong speaks specifically about dropping party members prior to the elections. He elaborates by saying it was a challenge that he had to āsteelā himself for. It begs the question whether it was challenging for him because he is someone who doesnāt like letting people go, or whether the people he let go created issues.
š Power Play
He ends off the exchange by reminding everyone that his party, with the people that he put forward, did well in the election earlier this year. And Wongās challenge going into the election was manifold; outside of shifting global economic and geopolitical tectonic plates, he was also following the premiership of a genuinely well liked prime minister who led Singapore for almost 20 years as the son of the founding father of the country. Wong, by contrast, was not a political dynast, nor an āeliteā scholar, the usual makeup of Singaporean ministers.
Yet he won convincingly. The electorate validated his political decisions and team choices, allowing him to reshape the party in his image. If anything, the elections solidified Wongās control and position within the party, eradicating any internal naysayers or doubters that may have existed.
Wongās answer to the only personal question in the entire interview is to remind us where the power lies.
WHAT DO YOU THINK?
Tell me your reasoning. In next weekās issue, Iāll highlight the most thought-provoking responses.
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